The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas Vol. 3: South America, part 2

The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas Vol. 3: South America, part 2
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  992 American Anthropologist • Vol. 104 No. 3 • September 2002 they are not greeted with the aroma of cooking fat and thewords of the Quran when they stand at the doorway, theyappear in dreams to complain. For Kazaks, "the Thursdaydomestic rite and the culinary practices of the Muslim tradi-tion are definitive markers of their  mnsilmanshiliq,  the Mus-lim life" (p. 140), a thorough accommodation of Inner Asianreligious values with Islam. Being good Muslims, the ances-tors do not cause illness or other misfortunes even if theyare ignored, though  jinn, dan,  and  peri  (the latter two arespirits of shamans throughout much of Central Asia) maydo so. Government medical facilities, not faith healers, are,however, the usual first resort during sickness, which mayaccount for the relative thinness of Privratsky's chapter on"The Kazak Healer."Along with their culinary creativity, Kazaks show aes-thetic adaptations to both Islamic life-cycle rituals and to Is-lam's Five Pillars. In one example, Privratsky notes that de-spite Soviet condemnation of the practice as (oddly enough)"obscurantist," most Kazaks circumcise their sons; however,once the mullah goes home they celebrate the event withvodka for the men and cognac for the women (p. 95). Onecreative informant proposed that reciting "Praise be to God,I am a Muslim" should be an adequate substitute for observ-ing the Five Pillars (p. 91), a confession of faith with whichmany Kazaks would clearly be comfortable. Privratsky con-cludes that "Far from being  a  superficial Islamic veneer overa desiccated shamanistic core Kazak religion is a multifac-eted spirituality" (p. 239). Yet, what  I  would consider one ofmany possible counterclaims is found in a discussion ofamulets: "A fox skin hung in the house is a powerful amulet.More commonly, wild rue,  adiraspan,  steppe sage) is hungin the house and owl feathers  iiki)  on the cradle of a child.Omar Qoja recited a formula of greeting recited in rhymewhen the wild rue is picked: As-salaum aleykum, adiraspan,Meni sagan jiberdi Omar, Ospan. Peace be unto you, o wild rue Umar and Uthman have sent me to you. [p. 201] One interpretation of this magical verse might be that add-ing mention of early caliphs is exactly an Islamic veneerover a much earlier tradition. In another case of syncretism,a female healer, Muslim since she exclaims "Praise God, Iam a Muslim," nevertheless heals in the name of Jesus. An-other healer waves a whip and knife over the patient tocompel the healer's ancestral spirits to fight the master ofthe illness (p. 197). Including such details makes the eth-nography far more interesting than if they had been omit-ted. For this richness of material, I enthusiastically recom-mend the book, at least its first six chapters, comprising thehistorical setting, description, and analysis of religious lifein the town of Turkistan, to anyone with interests in Islamand post-Soviet Central Asia, and to all interested in the everchanging contours of ethnicity and religion.The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of theAmericas: Vol. 3: South America, part 1. Frank Salomonand Stuart B. Schwartz, eds. New York: Cambridge Univer-sity Press, 1999. 1,054 pp.The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of theAmericas: Vol. 3: South America, part 2. Frank Salomonand Stuart B. Schwartz, eds. New York: Cambridge Univer-sity Press, 1999.976 pp. DAVID L. BROWMAN Washington University in St. LouisThis is an absolutely essential reference for any seriousSouth American scholar. These last two volumes of the sixvolume series covering North, Meso, and South America, areeasily the most extensive and comprehensive of the series:the 2,030 pages here essentially equal the entire previousfour volumes of 1,104 pages on North America and 1,026pages on Mesoamerica. There are 26 chapters, including 675pages dealing with prehistory, 1,300 pages covering indige-nous Amerind history for the last 500 years, and 55 pages  of index. Instead of a comprehensive bibliography, eachauthor prepared a bibliographic essay. Some of these, likeRoosevelt's and Saeger's, are only barely three pages, withfew sources, leaving the reader at a loss for the authority ofstatements made, while others, like Shimada's 25-page con-tribution, are splendid additions, even covering details nottouched on in the chapter. Some authors also included spe-cific citations as footnotes, which greatly enhances the use-fulness of the discussions and accessibility of sources, butseveral authors relied only on the bibliographic essay,which makes these chapters much less user friendly.One-third of the chapters cover the prehistory of the con-tinent, from the first inhabitants to the sociopolitical or-ganization of the groups living at the time of first Europeancontact. Some of these chapters cover both highland andlowland regions, attempting more omnibus syntheses(Lynch, Roosevelt, and Villamarin and Villamarin); othersare specific to more limited areas, such as Peru (Shimada,Lumbreras, and Rostworowski and Morris), the Caribbean(Allaire) and the Southern Cone (Rivera).The remaining two-thirds of the chapters deal with thehistorical period, broken into three main time clusters. Thefirst historic cluster  is a  group of five papers assessing the im-pact of the first 50 to 75 years of the European invasions:Salomon on the reading of native sources, Whitehead onthe Caribbean area, Spalding on the Andean area, Monteiroon coastal Brazil, and Garavaglia on the La Plata basin. Thesecond historical clustering covers the colonial period fromthe mid-16th to the early 19th century, with nine contribu-tions: Glave, MacCormack, Saignes, and Schwartz and Salo-mon, on the greater Andean area; Taylor and Wright onAmazonia; Whitehead on the northeastern area of the con-tinent, and Jones and Saeger on the southern cone area. Thevolume winds up with four papers dealing with late-19th-  Book Reviews 993 century and early-20th-century indigenous history, withcontributions by Albo and Larson for the Andes, and Hilland Maybury-Lewis for Amazonia.In their introduction, the editors note that until recently,historical works usually dealt with native South Americansas passive victims of colonial development, and dismissedthe native past as unresearchable. The editors intend thiswork to be a new integration of Euro-American "histories ofIndians" with First American "Indian histories." They alsoinstructed the authors to break out of the tradition of writ-ing within modern national boundaries. This direction hadmixed results: in many cases it was a great success, and re-sulted in new insights, but in other cases, it resulted in chap-ters that covered such diverse regions that the authorsended up making rather less useful sweeping generaliza-tions.Turning first to the prehistoric roots, the papers start outwith a sequential review of cultural evolution of prehistoriccultures in South America. The summary of first colonistsinto South America is executed by Lynch. All importantsites known up to 1991 are covered, although Lynch has lit-tle sympathy from claims older than 11,500 b.p., includingMonte Verde, seeing older claims as misinterpreted or sys-tematically contaminated. He maintains the paradigm, nowabandoned by most, of seeing the earliest groups as special-ized big game hunters, with generalized hunting and gath- ering  only developing with Archaic populations.Roosevelt is charged with discussing the srcins of com-plex culture, but to do  so,  she first provides her own versionof the first settlement of South America. While she tries toglobally cover coast, sierra and jungle, this  is  too large a pro-ject. Her Pacific Coast and Andean coverage is a dated, tur-gid review, missing many of the critical arguments. ForAmazonia, she argues that pottery begins as early as  8,000 years ago, that root crop horticultural ist-foragers were wide-spread by 4,000 b.p., and that permanent villages appearedwith the introduction of maize at 2,000 b.p., pushing backthe previous temporal boundaries for all of these features.Shimada's discussion of the "early regional develop-ments" in the Andean region is a masterful and will be re-ferred to by Peruvianists for some time. He is concernedwith the archaeological bias to interpretations because ofheavy reliance on funerary artifacts and monumental archi-tecture, thus overlooking much of the quotidian aspects ofprehistoric communities. One of most the significant devel-opments of early regional development, he argues, was therapid evolution and spread of the "Northern PeruvianCoastal Metallurgical Tradition" which began c. 2,200 b.p.Shimada summarizes and updates arguments he has madeelsewhere for the development of the first Peruvian state bythe Mochica and integrates in other contemporary culturessuch as Nasca and Pukara.Lumbreras's chapter is a surprise, in that he has markedlychanged his earlier view of the srcins and development ofurbanism and statecraft in the Central Andes. He has incor-porated almost all of the ideas from recent investigations atWari, Omo, and Tiwanaku into his model, so his chapter isan excellent summary of current thinking. He details differ-ences between the formation of the Tiwanaku and Waristates and goes on to discuss the "balkanization" that theCentral Andes underwent with the collapse of these states,and the subsequent growth of small regional kingdoms inPeru and Bolivia during the following interregnum.Continuing the prehistoric coverage, Villamarin and Vil-lamarin attempt to characterize all South American  chief- doms in the century just before Spanish contact. While theyprovide a good discussion for the Chibcha and other Co-lombian groups, the task proves too large. In other regionsthey lack control, using outdated literature and ideas andproviding reviews that are too cursory or generalized to beuseful.Wrapping up the last of the prehistoric chapters, Allairereviews Caribbean region archaeology, and Rivera coversthe southern cone. Allaire includes the entire Caribbeanrim, with summaries of cultures from northern South Amer-ica, Middle America, and the Mayan area, as well as theLesser and Greater Antilles. These regions do not hold to-gether as  a  whole; my preference would have been just to fo-cus on the Antilles, where there is good evidence for three orfour major waves of migration covered in the chapter.Rivera provides an excellent discussion of his research areain northern Chile but other regions of the southern cone arenot as completely covered. Particularly to be regretted is thelack of any treatment of the peoples of Northwest Argentina.The protohistoric coverage of Inka power and social foun-dations iscoauthored by an archaeologist (Morris) and a his-torian (Rostworowski), blending and merging their exper-tise to become one of the strongest treatments in thevolume. It is an excellent review of where Inka studies aretoday, and deals with multiple components of Inka social,ideological, and political institutions.The two volume set then shifts to ethnohistory and his-tory. Setting up this discussion are two introductory chap-ters to the first volume—one by the editors and the other byMacCormack, both dealing with the issue of how Westernscholars should approach the first written European reportson the native peoples. The chapters try to create  a  coherencybetween Amerindian oral histories, and the European writ-ten historiographic tradition, an issue that must deal withthe different ways of "knowing.' Writing supplanted and,as a result, destroyed alternative, indigenous methods ofhandling and preserving information and served as an in-strument to preserve only those aspects of culture, religion,and history that were meaningful in the new colonial con-text. These two chapters should be mandatory reading foranyone using regional ethnohistoric documents.The historic chapters particularly try to emphasize nativepeoples "agency" in dealing with the conquest. These chap-ters strive to get away from seeing indigenous societies aspassive, isolated, and inward looking; to avoid a focus on theforms of resistance; to escape from seeing the native SouthAmericans only as objects or victims of colonial history, but,rather, to conceptualize them as active participants and  994 American Anthropologist • Vol. 104 No. 3 • September 2002 collaborators, and as manipulators of the situations of theperiod.The four chapters on the "invaded societies" initiate thetheme of ethnogenesis, the creation of new social groupings(tribalization) by the European invaders for managerial rea-sons, including reorganization owing to demographic col-lapse, and new social groupings related to resistance. White-head notes that most native populations of the GreaterAntilles all but disappeared within a few decades, while theLesser Antilles groups had longer survival. In both areas, theSpaniards lumped diverse peoples into but two categories,as political expediency or economic gain dictated. For thecentral Andes, Spalding explicitly reconfigures her previousstudies, which emphasized passivity, now focusing on themeans by which Andean societies functioned as active par-ticipants in the events that transformed their lives. The firstfew decades were a period when local leaders saw the disin-tegration of the Inka state as an opportunity to form newnetworks of alliances, and to reassert and expand pastauthority. Monteiro's discussion of coastal Brazil also fo-cuses on the lumping of the local inhabitants into two largecategories for management purposes, but as well looks atthe older issues of native resistance strategies.Although characterized as one of the "invaded societies"papers, Garavaglia's chapter on the  La  Plata basin more topi-cally relates to the later chapters on the same area by Saegeron the Chaco and Paraguay, and Wright on Brazil, from15  7 to 1890.The focus of Garavaglia's and Saeger's chapters are par-ticularly on the groups clumped together as the Guaraniand as the Guaycuru, and Wright's chapter also has a signifi-cant component on these two "peoples." All three of thesechapters are mainly first order approximations, ratherstraight forward chronological summaries of events that oc-curred in this portion of the Amazonian and La Plata low-land, including such issues as the rise and fall of the Jesuitreducciones, forms, and strategies of adaptation and resis-tance, and transformation of interethnic relations.Saignes's paper on the colonial Quechua-Aymara heart-land is one of the very strong and important historic treat-ments. Over the last few decades there has been a greatamount of research done in the archives, as well as severaldeep analyses, so that rather than just a chronological reca-pitulation, Saignes is able to get deeply into a number of theissues of "history" from the native perspective. He is particu-larly interested in the types of negotiation and mediationemployed by the local political leaders, seeing the Spanishinitially providing the means for relegalizing the power oflocal leaders by creating various alliances. He traces the cri-ses of ethnic mediation characterized by the ascendancyand then gradual failure of these local leaders, the restora-tion of social cohesion through new integration into mar-kets and migrations, and, finally, the creation of  a  new colo-nial indigenous Andean culture.Three more chapters wrap up the early colonial period.Jones's review of the southern cone area is another of thefirst generation chronological reviews of events, detailingperiods of resistance, adaptation, and incorporation. In par-ticular he focuses on the period of "permanent" conflict inthe area from 1598 tol  781,  which produced tremendous re-structuring of the sociopolitical nexus of local peoples. Tay-lor has drawn the area of "western Amazonia," an unhappyaggregate of the  ceja de montana  areas of Columbia, Ecuador,Peru, and Bolivia. The histories in these areas are dissimilarenough that he is forced to paint the canvas with a verybroad brush; few clear patterns can be distilled. Whitehead'sdiscussion of the colonial regimes in northeastern SouthAmerica from 1550 to 1900 is essentially a continuation ofhis earlier chapter on invaded societies in the Caribbean,tracing the chronological history of this region for the nexttemporal period. The Carib case has been intensely re-searched, so he is able to begin some deeper analysis of so-cial interactions.The editors at this point insert a coauthored chapter deal-ing with the complex issues of colonial ethnogenesis. Al-though it is a topic which arose with the "invaded socie- ties,"  the documentary coverage is such that it can be morethoroughly detailed in later colonial periods. As elsewherein the world, colonial regimes unintentionally generatednew social groups and sometimes whole new societies, asthey tried to categorize and manipulate local populations.Salomon and Schwartz discuss a wide variety of mecha-nisms of ethnogenesis, including direct coercion, mestizage,migration, fission, and recombination, realignments result-ing from radical nativist movements, groups formingaround poles of successful resistance, and groups forming toexploit new economic opportunities.Glave's paper on Andean revolts builds on one aspect ofthis theme. Because of the substantial existing literature inthe Andes, he is able to provide deep analysis of the factorsinvolved, and of the indigenous forces of resistance and re-combination. For the Andean peoples, one result was anerosion of isolatable ethnic group definition (as social ac- tor),  an end to the old "ethnic" era in politics and a shift to  a new class-based "peasant" era, with new cultural-politicalblocs defined as more general Andino or Indian, rather thanseparate ethnic groups.Larson explores the continuation of this process in the19th century, including in her discussion not only the samecentral Andean regions as Glave, but also Ecuador and Co-lombia, exploring  a  robust literature. Her approach is from  a top-down perspective, looking at external export-drivenmodernization imposed from the outside, as it impacted in-digenous land and labor factors. External influences led tothe Andean republics' construction of the "Indian problem"as a political and rhetorical centerpiece of their varied na-tion-building projects during the latter half of 19th century.Formally, Andean peoples lost legal rights to collective ex-istence, and became individuals subject to contract law; in-formally they assumed the biological attributes of an infe-rior racial group, whose character rendered them unfit forcitizenship. The postcolonial nations organized aroundrigid concepts of race that excluded indigenous majorities  Book Reviews  995 from political participation,  but  coerced them into nationaleconomies as subaltern laborers.Hill deals with  the  rise  of  nation-state  in  lowland SouthAmerica, from  a  similar perspective  as  Brook  and  Glave,  but has  a  more impoverished data based to work from,  and  thusproduces  a  more preliminary chronological summary.  The economic necessity  of  international debt  and  threat  of bankruptcy after wars  of  independence  in  both  the  high-lands  and  lowlands generated  a  search  for new  ways  of transforming "frontier" regions into extractive sources  for surpluses. Hill details aspects  of the  1875-1920 rubberboom  in  Amazonia, which  he  describes  as a  "native Ameri-can holocaust." Albo  and  Maybury-Lewis wrap  up the  syntheses with con-tributions that attempt  to  summarize  in far too few  pagesthe wealth  of  data  and  detail  on the  developments  in the 20th century. Albo provides  a  good thumbnail sketch  of the breakdown  of  old agrarian order, which resulted  in  syndical-ism  and  revolution  in  Bolivia,  in  migration  and  de-Indiani-zation  in  Peru,  and in  ethnic federations  in  Ecuador, withinthree broad periods: resistance  to  expropriation 1900-30,unions  and  agrarian reforms 1930-73,  and  return  of the In- dian 1973-99. Maybury-Lewis,  as a  reigning champion  of "cultural survival,"  has a  wealth  of  information  to  draw  on, but limits himself to  the  development  of  indigenous federa-tions  in the  lowlands, including  a  discussion  of the  variousmeans  by  which multiethnicity  now  being considered  by Andean countries  as  solution  to  some national problemswith indigenous federations.  The  movements  of  ethnic  self- assertion  in  these last  two  chapters witness native efforts  at remobilizing local  or  ethnic memory within  a  political con-juncture,  a  creation  of  new ethnohistories.There  are  some absolutely superb contributions  in  these two  volumes, which  will  long be  the  touch stones  for  discus-sion  and  research. Because they  go  beyond simple historicalexegesis  to  deep analysis, these volumes  are  critical  re- sources.Translating Native Latin American Verbal Art: Ethnopo-etics  and  Ethnography  of  Speaking.  Kay  Sammons  and Joel Sherzer,  eds.  Washington,  DC:  Smithsonian InstitutionPress, 2000. 309  pp. MICH EL  A UZENDOSKI Florida State UniversityThe editors  of  this volume state that  its  goal  is to  "demon-strate concretely  how  discourse shapes life  and  experiencein these basically nonliterate societies,  in  which mostknowledge  and  information  is  orally conceived, perceived,and transmitted"  (p. xi). The  strategy  of the  book  is to pre- sent various oral vignettes that represent Native LatinAmerican "verbal  art in its  linguistic, ethnographic,  and poetic complexities.  I  think that  the  book  is  highly success-ful  in  reaching  its  stated purpose  and  is a valuable contribu-tion  to the  field  of  ethnopoetics  and  anthropology  as a whole.The theme  by  which  the  papers come together  is the thorny business  of the  translation  of  verbal  art (p. xi), and each author tackles this problem  in  different ways. Many  of the translations rely  on  methods  and  concepts developedout  of the  work  of  Dell Hymes, Dennis Tedlock,  and  others,who have developed methods  for  making poetic featuresvisible that would otherwise  be  left  out of  "translations."Many  of  the papers demonstrate  how  features such as gram-matical  and  semantic patterning, style, pausing, intonation,and figurative language  are  crucial  to the  meaning  and art- istry  of  the narratives.Authors  in  this volume also present  a  variety  of  innova-tive techniques  as  well.  For  example, Nuckolls uses ideo-graphs  in her  translations  to  represent Sound-symbolic  as- pects  of  Pastaza Quechua narrative.  An  ideograph  is an imitative visual symbol that provides  a  nonverbal repre-sentation  of a  sound-symbolic word"  (p. 234).  Nuckolls  in- serts these ideographs  as  part  of the  translation,  an ap- proach  I  found  to be a  nice  way to  capture  the  artistry  and imagery  of  sound-symbolic representations, otherwise lostin  the  translation.  In  addition, Nuckolls's paper raises broadercognitive issues  of the  relation between verbal forms  and imagery  in  general (p. 236). Her account demonstrates  how sound-symbolic aspects  (the  sound-image  of a  canoe split-ting) weave further strands into  the  narrative's theme  of death.  One  aspect  of  this richness  is  that canoes are concep-tualized  as  burial vehicles  and  analogically symbolize  the "journey"  of  death  itself; the  sound-symbolism  of a  canoesplitting furthers  the  "tragic" effect  of  a  man's life coming  to completion (p. 239).Another example  of  innovation  is  McDowell's practice-oriented methodology  of  "collaborative ethnopoetics,'  in which  I  think  the  most important point is that, "we cannot,as has often happened  in the  past, claim authenticity  to  oraltradition while rewriting  the  speech events  of our  subjectsaccording  to our own  literary conventions,  or to  conven-tions  of  rustic style"  (p. 212).  Instead, McDowell suggeststhat we might follow build upon Walter Benjamin's idea  of striving  to  incorporate  the  srcinal "mode  of  signification"within  the  translation  itself,  making "difference" visibleand avoiding  the  pretense  of  "transparency"  (p. 212). In practical terms, McDowell highlights  the  importance  of working with native speakers  and  narrators  in the  transla-tion process, allowing  the  analyst  to  ground  the  presenta-tion within  the  field  of  native understandings.  As  McDowellpoints  out,  this process  is  time consuming  and can  requireworking through Spanish  (or  another language) before  con- verting material into English. However,  the  gains  of  work-ing  in  such  a way are  great.  One  gains  a  more sophisticatedunderstanding  of how  native speakers would translatethings themselves. Indeed,  all of the  papers  in  this volumeare collaborative  and  successful  at  incorporating  and mak- ing visible native understandings  of  the narratives.The book is divided geographically between Mesoamerica(Mexico, Costa Rica, Panama)  and  South America (Venezuela,
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