Minority self-employment in the United States and the impact of affirmative action programs

Ann Finance (2009) 5: DOI /s SYMPOSIUM Minority self-employment in the United States and the impact of affirmative action programs David G. Blanchflower Received: 16 October
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Ann Finance (2009) 5: DOI /s SYMPOSIUM Minority self-employment in the United States and the impact of affirmative action programs David G. Blanchflower Received: 16 October 2007 / Accepted: 15 April 2008 / Published online: 21 June 2008 Springer-Verlag 2008 Abstract In this paper I examine changes in self-employment that have occurred since the early 1980s in the United States. It is a companion paper to a recent equivalent paper that related to the UK. Data on random samples of approximately twenty million US workers are examined taken from the Basic Monthly files of the CPS (BMCPS), the 2000 Census and the 2006 American Community Survey (ACS). In contrast to the official definition of self-employment which simply counts the numbers of unincorporated self-employed, we also include the incorporated self-employed who are paid wages and salaries. The paper presents evidence on trends in self-employment for the US by race, ethnicity and gender. Evidence is also presented for construction which has self-employment rates roughly double the national rates and where there are strikingly high racial and gender disparities in self-employment rates. The construction sector is also important given the existence of public sector affirmative action programs at the federal, state and local levels directed at firms owned by women and minorities. I document the fact that disparities between the self-employment rates of white men and white women and minorities in construction narrowed in the 1980s, widened during the 1990s after the US Supreme Court s decision in Croson but then narrowed again since 2000 after a number of legal cases, which found such programs constitutional. Despite this substantial disparities remain, particularly in earnings. I also find evidence of discrimination in the small business credit market. Firms owned by minorities in general and blacks in particular are much more likely to have their I thank Cary Donham, Jack Hagerty and John T. Scott for helpful comments and suggestions. I also thank an anonymous referee and the editors of the symposium, Anne Villamil and Cristina De Nardi for their helpful comments and suggestions. D. G. Blanchflower (B) Dartmouth College, Bank of England, Hanover, NH, USA URL: blnchflr 362 D. G. Blanchflower loans denied and pay higher interest than is the case for white males. This is only partially explained by their lack of creditworthiness and is consistent with a finding of discrimination in the credit market by banks. Keywords Self-employment Minorities Construction Affirmative action JEL Classification J7 1 Introduction In a recent paper I examined the causes and consequences of changes in the incidence of entrepreneurship in the UK (Blanchflower and Shadforth 2007). In that paper entrepreneurship was restricted to the self-reported self-employed. Of particular interest in that paper was the fact that over the period two-thirds of all the job growth in the UK was in self-employment. Also relevant in the UK was the impact of a large influx of workers since May 2004 when the eight countries from Eastern Europe joined the EU and had the right to work in the UK. This is the sister paper focusing on the main issues of self-employment in the United States where the main issues relate to race and gender and the importance of capital constraints. In both countries the construction industry is a major source of self-employed jobs and is a particular focus of this paper, given the existence in the United States of affirmative action programs designed to help women and minorities alongside other legislation specific to construction such as Prevailing Wage Laws at both the state and federal level. In this paper I now examine changes in self-employment that has occurred since the early 1980s in the United States, using data at both the individual and the (small) firm level. As was done in the UK paper I will also base my definition of entrepreneurship around the concept of self-employment with the unit of observation primarily the individual based on self-reports, but also on the small firm and any difficulties it faces in the credit market. Data on random samples of twenty million individuals are examined taken from the Basic Monthly files of the CPS (BMCPS), the 2000 census and the 2006 American Community Survey (ACS). In contrast to the official definition of self-employment which simply counts the numbers of unincorporated self-employed, I also include the incorporated self-employed who are paid wages and salaries. This definition of self-employment is more comparable to that used internationally (Blanchflower 2000, 2004; Blanchflower and Shadforth 2007). In the first section of the paper I examine the literature on self-employment and discuss race, ethnic and gender differences. I examine the construction industry and report on the various affirmative action programs that have been implemented in that sector to overcome the evidence of pervasive discrimination in the sector. The section also examines evidence on the importance of capital constraints using data on firms. Section 2 provides empirical evidence on the incidence of self-employment by race, ethnicity and gender and how it has changed over time in the US as a whole and in construction in particular. The third section examines data on small firms on the extent to which capital constraints bind on firms owned by minorities and women. Minority self-employment in the United States and the impact of affirmative action programs 363 The data at the level of the firm are taken from the 2003 Survey of Small Business Finances conducted by the Reserve Board of Governors. Minority-owned firms in general and African-American owned firms in particular have higher denial rates when they apply for loans and pay higher interest rates when they do obtain loans. I find no evidence of differences in the availability of credit cards, where race is not known by the bank, which suggests that these differences are not due to unobservables such as creditworthiness but rather to discrimination. The final section presents my conclusions. 2 Previous evidence on self-employment in the United States A strong decline in agricultural self-employment has been observed in the US and elsewhere over the last 50 years or so (Blanchflower 2000). To put the US evidence in context, Table 1 shows that self-employment rates, in the non-agricultural sector in the US have remained virtually unchanged since the 1970s. This is not typical across the OECD where quite different trends in non-agricultural self-employment rates have been observed. According to the 2004 OECD Labour Force Statistics which provides comparable non-agricultural self-employment rates by country, there are very diverse paths in self-employment rates by country. For example, there is a downward trend from the 1970s in eight countries (Austria, Denmark, France, Greece, Japan, Luxembourg, Norway and Spain) but an upward trend in fourteen (Australia, Canada, Finland, Germany, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Poland, Portugal, Sweden, and the United Kingdom). It is perhaps unsurprising then that little evidence can be found between changes in self-employment and macro indicators such as changes in GDP per capita by country (Blanchflower and Shadforth 2007). Also of note is that rates of non-agricultural self-employment in the US are low by international standards. In Table 1 for 2005 the US ranked 26th out of 28 countries. As the time trend in self-employment in the US has essentially been flat over time, the main issues in research in the US on self-employment and entrepreneurship do not relate to the time series movements in self-employment but rather to racial and gender differences. We also explicitly look in some detail at the construction sector which is the industry with a particularly high proportion of workers who are self-employed and where minorities and women are significantly under-represented. Construction is also the sector where affirmative action programs have most commonly been implemented by federal, state and local governments in order to help to overcome discrimination in the marketplace against women and minority-owned business enterprises (MWBEs). Finally, we look at the importance of capital constraints in limiting the supply of MWBEs. I now turn to examine each of these factors in further detail. 2.1 Racial and gender differences in self-employment A major research question for scholars has been to understand why the selfemployment rate of minorities in general and blacks in particular is so low. For example in 2003, using data on non-agricultural self-employment from the Outgoing 364 D. G. Blanchflower Table 1 Self-employment as a percentage of all non-agricultural employment Country 1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s 2000s 2005 Australia Austria Belgium Canada Czech Rep Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Iceland Ireland Italy Japan Korea Luxembourg a Mexico Netherlands New Zealand Norway Poland Portugal Slovakia Spain Sweden Turkey UK USA Source: OECD labour force statistics a Luxembourg 2004 Rotation Group files of the Current Population Survey, defined to include both incorporated and unincorporated, Robert Fairlie reports the following self-employment rates. 1 1 Minority self-employment in the United States and the impact of affirmative action programs 365 All 9.8% Males 12.8 Females 6.8% Whites (non-latino) 11.1% White males 14.1% White female 7.5% Black 5.2% Black males 7.2% Black females 3.4% Asians 10.4% Asian males 11.5% Asian females 9.2% Hispanics 7.0% Hispanic males 8.1% Hispanic females 5.3% Approximately one in ten workers in the US are self-employed; one in seven white males are self-employed. Interestingly Asian women have higher self-employment rates than white women (9.1 and 7.6% respectively). 2 Particularly striking though is the very low self-employment rates for both black men and black women and to a lesser extent Hispanics. A continuing puzzle in the literature in the US has been to determine why this is so. Fairlie and Meyer (2000), rule out a number of explanations for the difference in the self-employment rates of white and black males. They found that trends in demographic factors, including the Great Migration and the racial convergence in education levels did not have large effects on the trend in the racial gap in self-employment (p. 662). They also found that an initial lack of business experience cannot explain the current low levels of black self-employment. Further, they found that the lack of traditions in business enterprise among blacks that resulted from slavery cannot explain a substantial part of the current racial gap in self-employment (p. 664). Fairlie (1999) and Wainwright (2000) have shown that a considerable part of the explanation of the differences between the African American and white self-employment rate can be attributed to discrimination. Bates (1989) finds strong supporting evidence that racial differences in levels of financial capital have significant effects upon racial patterns in business failure rates. Fairlie (1999) also found that the black exit rate from self-employment is twice as high as that of whites. Another important determinant of being self-employed that has been identified in the literature is having a self-employed parent. The probability of self-employment is substantially higher among the children of business owners than among the children of non-business owners (see Dunn and Holtz-Eakin 2000; Hout and Rosen 2000). These studies generally find that an individual who had a self-employed parent is roughly two to three times more likely to be self-employed than someone who did not have a self-employed parent. More recently Fairlie and Robb (2007a) have demonstrated 2 The CPS does not allow identification of Asians and Native Americans prior to 1989. 366 D. G. Blanchflower using data from the 1992 Characteristics of Business Owners (CBO) Survey found that more than half of all business owners had a self-employed family member prior to starting their business. Conditional on having a self-employed family member, less than 50% of small business owners worked in that family member s business suggesting that it is unlikely that intergenerational links in self-employment are largely due to the acquisition of general and specific business human capital and that instead similarities across family members in entrepreneurial preferences may explain part of the relationship. In contrast, estimates from regression models conditioning on business ownership indicated that having a self-employed family member plays only a minor role in determining small business outcomes, whereas the business human capital acquired from prior work experience in a family member s business appears to be very important for business success. Estimates from the CBO also indicated that only 1.6% of all small businesses are inherited suggesting that the role of business inheritances in determining intergenerational links in self-employment is limited at best. Using the same 1992 Characteristics of Business Owners (CBO) Survey, Fairlie and Robb (2007b) examined why African-American owned businesses lag substantially behind white-owned businesses in sales, profits, employment, and survival. Black business owners, they found, were much less likely than white owners to have had a self-employed family member owner prior to starting their business and are less likely to have worked in that family member s business. They found further that the lack of prior work experience in a family business among black business owners, perhaps by limiting their acquisition of general and specific business human capital, negatively affects black business outcomes The gap between the black and white male self-employment rates has persisted for the best part of a century. As Fairlie and Meyer (2000) note: The constancy of the black/white ratio is surprising in light of the substantial gains blacks have made in education, earnings and civil rights during the twentieth century and the numerous government programs created to promote minority business ownership (p. 656) In contrast, there has been a striking growth over time in the self-employment rate of females. Devine (1994) showed, using the March Current Population Survey data that the number of self-employed females aged in the non-agricultural sector increased by 2.2 million or 145% between 1975 and This represented an increase in the self-employment rate from 4 to 6.6%. There has also been substantial growth of self-employment among Hispanics. The number of Hispanic owned businesses has grown substantially over the past couple of decades. Fairlie (2004) showed that there were 435,000 more Hispanic business owners in 1998 than in 1979, representing a growth rate of 193%. The most recent results from the Hispanic-Owned Firms: 2002 (US Department of Commerce 2006) show that 1.57 million Hispanic-owned businesses operate in the United States. The significant growth rate of 31% (three times the rate of the national average, 10%) between 1997 and 2002 among Latino establishments has outpaced all other US populations. Fairlie (2004) also noted that the growth in the number of Hispanic self-employed over the period using the Outgoing Rotation Group files of the Current Population Survey from the beginning of the 1980s Minority self-employment in the United States and the impact of affirmative action programs 367 to the end of the 1990s was especially pronounced both overall and in construction. The growth rates, in construction reported by Fairlie (2004, Table 1) over this period were 34% for whites; 72% for blacks and 154% for Hispanics The construction industry In 2006, approximately million workers, or approximately 8.1% of total employment in the United States, held a construction job of whom 9.6% (46.3%) were female; 5.5% (10.9%) were black or African-American and 25.1% (13.6%) were Latino or Hispanic with US aggregates for all workers in parentheses. 4 The representation of minorities in particular among the ownership of firms in construction is well below their representation in the population as a whole. According to the 2002 Economic Census Survey of Business Owners, of the 2,770,888 firms in construction, 2.4% were owned by African Americans; 7.0% by Hispanics; 1.1% by American Indians or Alaskan natives; 1.4% by Asians and Pacific Islanders and 10.5% by women. As a proportion of the population, according to the 2008 Statistical Abstract of the United States Table 13, in 2006 African Americans were 12.8%; white Hispanics 13.7%; Asian/Pacific Islanders 4.6%; American Indians/Alaskan Native 1.0% and two or more races 1.8%. Ray Marshall (2000) has noted that there are several factors that make the construction industry especially important for minority development because it provides opportunity for upward occupational mobility since workers commonly become managers and contractors. Glover (1977) notes that minorities have a long tradition in this industry as laborers, skilled workers and contractors and that it is possible to increase minority employment and income more effectively in construction than is the case with most other minority businesses. There is a good deal of evidence to suggest that the under-representation of women and minorities in construction especially is due to widespread and pervasive discrimination that has changed little over time. Not only is the proportion of firms owned by African Americans especially relatively low, so also are their representation in the construction workforce in general and in self-employment in particular. Where firms owned by minorities and women do exist in construction they are more likely than non-minority males to be in special trades rather than heavy and civil. They are also more likely to be sub-contractors than prime contractors. This does not appear to be because of a lack of an ability to expand to undertake these activities because it is wellknown that small construction companies can expand rapidly as demand changes by hiring workers and renting equipment and making use of sub-contractors. A particular concern in construction is that it is hard for minority and women-owned firms to 3 For a discussions of Hispanic self-employment and entrepreneurship see Robles and Cordero-Guzmán (2007), Olson et al. (2000), Mora and Da vila (2006)andZuiker et al. (2003). In a recent review Robles and Cordero-Guzmán (2007) suggest that educational attainment rates, individual or family personal wealth, customer demographics, age of enterprise, age of owner, and particularly access to financial capital are significant variables in explaining Latino self-employment rates and business ownership success and failure. 4 Source: Table 602 Statistical Abstract of the United States 2008 downloadable at compendia/statab/cats/labor_force_employment_earnings.html. 368 D. G. Blanchflower obtain capital, especially working capital, and this causes increased difficulties when bonds have to be posted. This is often made more difficult still when bonding firms are members of local construction associations. Also unions are pervasive in the sector and these unions have tended to be dominated by white males and have successfully controlled entry to craft jobs (Ashenfelter 1972). Minorities seeking employment in construction have traditionally been frustrated by entrenched industry networks that parcel out the better jobs to white males (Silver 1986). The dominant explanation of persistent minority disadvantage in construction is succinctly summarized by Waldinger and Bailey: Beneath the complicated regulations and proliferation of collective bargaining contracts lie a different reality, one dominated mainly by personal contracts and informal networks (1991, p. 298). Even when minorities are able to acquire the skills required for entry into the const
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