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    Craig Calhoun  Book review: as sociology meets history by Charles Tilly Article (Published version) (Refereed)   Original citation: Calhoun, Craig Calhoun, Craig (1983) Book review: as sociology meets history by Charles Tilly.  The journal of modern history   , 55 (3). pp. 503-505. ISSN 0022-2801 © 1983 The University of Chicago Press  This version available at:  Available in LSE Research Online: November 2012 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL ( of the LSE Research Online website.  As Sociology Meets History by Charles TillyReview by: Craig Calhoun The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 55, No. 3 (Sep., 1983), pp. 503-505Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: . Accessed: 26/11/2012 09:40 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at  .  . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact  . The University of Chicago Press  is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Modern History. This content downloaded by the authorized user from on Mon, 26 Nov 2012 09:40:26 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions  Book Reviews 503 latter have been revised to focus attention pon broad historical problems rather han he books srcinally nder eview. Nonetheless hey ften etain heir initial parkiness. There s a useful survey f Macfarlane nd Thomas on magic and witchcraft nd a sharp ritique f Trevor-Roper's lderly aper n the European witchcraze though more recent research has tended to substantiate ome of Trevor-Roper's oints). The statistical ullibility f crime historians s observed and condemned. And there re some trenchant ttacks n E. P. Thompson's view of the polarization f English ociety n the ighteenth entury etween atricians and plebs: Stone argues persuasively for the mportant ise of professional nd other middling groups n England after he Restoration which provided ome of the economic and social adhesive helping to keep the political system more or less sticking ogether. The review of Kearney's work on the universities s a masterpiece f erudition nd critical attack, easily outgunning he opposition. At the same time several of the contributions ave clearly lost some of their initial mpact through ge and quite a few have been overtaken y events. The piece on Court and Country, for nstance, reads strangely n the context of the great wealth of studies which have appeared n the ast decade on the English provinces. References o the lack of industrial rowth r consumer demand n the post-Restoration eriod have been shown to be mistaken y the research of Joan Thrisk, Alan Everitt, nd others. While these pieces still have a whiff f cordite about them, of engagements past, the historiographical ssays have a different one, more n the nature f a full-dress eview of the fleet. History nd the Social Sciences surveys he rise of history s a humanistic iscipline and its fragmentation nder the mpact of Max Weber, he Annales school, the psycho-historians, conometricians, nd so on. The new specialisms are generally ttacked, ometimes little ntemperately (is it really rue o say the habit of crunching istorical xplanation nto single one-way hierarchy f causation . . . is now becoming the hallmark of much modern rench cholarship ?). More optimistic, here s a good account of the problems nd value of the prosopographical pproach. Finally The Revival of Narrative returns o the theme f the ife and times of the profession n the ast half entury, escribing he retreat y historians rom uantitative, nnales-type dissection to a new stress on telling a story, which Stone sees as marking he end of the attempt o produce a coherent nd scientific explanation f change in the past. The picture here seems too schematic, exaggerating he decline of the narrative pproach n the first lace and giving ndue weight o ts reappearance. The collection then s not vintage Stone. It is a pity perhaps that ome of his older and more perdurable rticles on Elizabethan trade, social mobility, nd education have not been included. But there s much to keep one alert, not infrequently ristling ver ideas, always delighting n the prose. Perhaps we should think f this volume as a refitting xercise, scraping ff he barnacles of former oyages. Before the next circumnavigation f English society. PETER CLARK University f Leicester As Sociology Meets History. By Charles Tilly. New York: Academic Press, 1981. Pp. xvi+237. $25.00 Charles Tilly is history's ociologist and sociology's historian. His prestige n each field s based largely on his crossing of the boundary, bearing esoteric This content downloaded by the authorized user from on Mon, 26 Nov 2012 09:40:26 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions  504 Book Reviews knowledge from oreign ands. In this, he is unlike his former eacher George Homans, who successfully pursued both historical cholarship nd sociological theory, ut who did each within ts discipline and brought hem nto minimal juncture. Juncture s precisely what Tilly is about, and in the current ollection of essays, it is his major task to introduce history o sociology. The essays are an odd mix, however, of the casual and the serious, the ong and the short, he good and the bad. They begin with a sociologist's overview of what history s (not failed ociology, but rather n object esson for ociologists on the mportance f time and place), and follow with notes and comments n the use of computers n historical research, he virtues f George Homans, the lack of virtues f Emile Durkheim, eventeenth-century rance, nineteenth-century Britain, nd the overall processes of state-building nd proletarianization. ew of the ssays have been properly ublished efore, hough most have been available as papers of the University f Michigan's Center for Research on Social Orga- nization. The essays offer nsights nto Tilly's thought nd method, but readers should dismiss the hope that he has pulled together coherent tatement f theoretical pproach. Contrary o widespread impression among historians, Tilly is not really a social theorist. Most of his writings n theories of collective action are quite casual-summary statements t the textbook evel. His theoretical omments re complements o his methodological otes; hey re, t would appear, more ntended as part of a manual for his impressive rmy f graduate tudents han s serious independent tatements. his is particularly he case with this volume. It does not have a clear orientation o any body of professional istorians r sociologists, but would be of considerable help to any student bout to begin working with Tilly. Tilly's attack on Durkheim s a good example of the way in which he treats serious social theory. t is more clever dismissal than sustained ebuttal. he essay is thirteen ages long, and Durkheim doesn't make his appearance until the sixth page. In fact, Tilly doesn't confront urkheim's social theory n any cohesive way (as one might xpect from he title of the essay) but only attacks the use of Durkheim's notion of anomie to explain protest. There are several problems with his ttack. n the first lace, it s really imed t 1950s functionalism of the Parsons/Smelser ariety, ot t Durkheim. ere s Tilly: Durkheim ndicates that hort-run isruptions f the balance between morality nd organizational structure esult from apid change, accelerated economic growth, r industrial crisis and likewise incite disorder n the groups most affected y them. n our historical material, we might easonably xpect to find apid rural-to-urban i- gration, massive industrialization, nd major economic fluctuations roducing exceptionally high evels of conflict nd protest (p. 104). In fact, Durkheim had very ittle o say about conflict and protest ; his account of anomie was applied primarily o the xplanation f uicide, with nly asual asides on crowds. It is certainly rue that his work fits nto a long line of work treating opular protest s a sign of psychological disturbance, he argument f which Smelser is the foremost ontemporary xponent. But Tilly's critique, urely, hould be aimed at the failure to realize how much organization protest akes, and thus how much solidarity must xist among members f protesting roups. Suicide, by contrast, equires very ittle ollective mobilization. One might, n fact, use some of Durkheim' account of how groups re knit ogether o explain the ocial organization underpinning rotest nd conflict. This has been done. Indeed, Durkheim s a traceable ncestor f resource mobilization heory, n approach This content downloaded by the authorized user from on Mon, 26 Nov 2012 09:40:26 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
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